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Aspects of Abdullah “Munshi”

From Munshipedia, the MBRAS digital historical encyclopedia

Aspects of Abdullah “Munshi”

H.F.O’B. Traill’s 1981 article “Aspects of Abdullah ‘Munshi’” re-examines the life and literary output of Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir (c. 1795–1854) through two complementary lenses: the formative influence of the missionary Alfred North on Abdullah’s two major works, and the character of the man himself as revealed by his writings and by the testimony of contemporaries. Traill argues that Abdullah’s status as a literary model has been overstated, that his racial identity as a “Peranakan Keling” (Arab-Tamil Muslim) has been systematically obscured, and that the charge of being a “British stooge” rests on a misreading of his genuine but limited worldview.

Summary

The first and most substantial section of the article centres on a document dated 1843, attached by the missionary Alfred North to a copy of the Hikayat Abdullah sent to the Library of Congress in Washington, and published by Professor C. Skinner in 1978. Traill demonstrates that this document identifies North—not Keasberry, as previously assumed—as the “friend” whom Abdullah credits in the Hikayat with urging him to write his memoirs. North’s account reveals that he provided Abdullah with a written list of suggested topics for the Hikayat, including the character of his father, his early education, descriptions of eminent men he had taught, and remarks on Malay customs, laws, and superstitions. Traill shows that North’s suggestions map almost exactly onto the structure of the finished work, and that both of Abdullah’s major books were deliberately slanted toward a European readership. The article also addresses the long-standing question of Abdullah’s relationship to Christianity, concluding that his interest was academic and intellectual rather than indicative of any genuine attraction to conversion, and that the rumour of “foul play” surrounding his death in Arabia, recorded by J.A. Bethune Cook, is almost certainly a conflation with the earlier nickname “Abdullah Padri” given to him by jealous rivals in Malacca.

The second section turns to Abdullah as a person. Traill resolves the disputed question of his birth date by arguing that the opening paragraph of the chapter “Peri Abdullah Di-Peranakkan” in the Hikayat—which records the precise date and time of the British capture of Malacca from the Dutch in August 1795—was intended as the temporal marker for Abdullah’s own birth, placing it on the morning of 18 August 1795. He then sketches Abdullah’s social position as an intermediate figure: respected by the European ruling power as a teacher and companion, yet regarded with suspicion and jealousy by his fellow “Peranakan Keling” community in Malacca and Singapore. Traill draws on the Hikayat, the Pelayaran, and the memoirs of Abdullah’s son Mohd. Ibrahim to present a portrait of a man who was simultaneously pedantic and deeply emotional, ascetic in temperament yet capable of warmth and generosity, and courageous in both physical and moral terms. The article closes with the episode of Abdullah’s friendship with the pilot Smith of a British survey ship, which Traill reads as evidence of Abdullah’s capacity for genuine cross-cultural equality of feeling.

Key Findings

  • Alfred North’s 1843 document (held at the Library of Congress, Washington, published by C. Skinner, B.K.1. 1978) identifies North as the “friend” who prompted Abdullah to write the Hikayat, providing a written list of topics that corresponds closely to the work’s actual structure (pp. 36–37).
  • Traill argues Abdullah’s birth date was 18 August 1795, the morning the British took Malacca from the Dutch under Major Cook, based on the opening paragraph of the chapter “Peri Abdullah Di-Peranakkan” in the Hikayat (Malay Literature Series 4, 1949, p. 9 et seq.) (pp. 44–45).
  • The Hikayat was completed in 1843 and lithographed in 1849; in the 1849 edition Abdullah deleted the reference to his being “46 years of age” that appeared in the 1843 text, suggesting he recognised the figure was incorrect (pp. 43–44).
  • Abdullah’s fee as interpreter on his voyage to Kelantan was $80/-, and his missionary employers agreed to his absence partly “to help to pay his debts” (p. 51).
  • Mohd. Ibrahim bin Abdullah, Abdullah’s son, served as Dato’ Dalam of the Johore Court, accompanied Sultan Abu Bakar to Europe in 1878, and died in 1904; his Kisah Pelayaran was printed in 1919 (pp. 46–47).
  • Abdullah’s wife died in 1840, prompting him to sell his house in Malacca and move permanently to Singapore with his children (p. 53).

Conclusion

Traill’s definitive takeaway is that Abdullah should be assessed not as a model of Malay literary style—his prose was an unintended hybrid of classical imitation, learned vocabulary, and “bazaar” Malay—but as a man of “essential goodwill” whose writings throw valuable historical light on the Straits Settlements and the Malay States in the first half of the nineteenth century. The charge of “boneka” (puppet) does not hold, because Abdullah had no Malay nation to betray; his pro-British outlook was the product of his environment and the calibre of the Europeans he knew, and his unwavering moral principles led him to judge individuals of all races by the same standard of right and wrong.

Context

  • The article draws on the Library of Congress manuscript collection (North’s 1843 document), the Malay Literature Series edition of the Hikayat (1949), the Pelayaran (1965), and the Rumi transcription of Mohd. Ibrahim’s Kisah Pelayaran (1976), as well as the published works of J.T. Thomson, A.E. Coope, A.H. Edrus, and Kassim Ahmad.
  • Historiographically, the article builds directly on A.C. Milner’s 1980 JMBRAS article “A Missionary Source for a Biography of Munshi Abdullah” and on Traill’s own earlier 1979 JMBRAS piece “An Indian Protagonist of the Malay Language,” while engaging critically with the “British stooge” thesis that had gained currency in Malay-language scholarship from the 1960s onward.

References